Weight-Based Food Waste Fee (RFID Smart Bins)
Residents tap a card and the bin weighs what they throw away, billing by the kilogram. The point is not the sensor: under the old shared charge, a household that threw away less paid exactly the same.
In a circular-economy project the interesting decision is almost always where the meter sits. At the landfill gate, at the kitchen counter, in the bin room, on the heat exchanger — because whatever the meter can see is what the scheme is able to price, reward or penalise, and everything it cannot see carries on unchanged.
This guide reads the documented record of circular projects in the atlas: metering, sorting, recovery and the markets built on top of them. Collection logistics sit in the smart waste guide; the networks that carry recovered heat are in smart grids. The plain-language definitions of pay-as-you-throw, pneumatic waste collection and district heating are in the glossary.
The fourth is the cautionary one, and its own entry says so: metering the gate is not the same as reducing the load. Bantargebang has weighed and tracked every truck for a decade; in March 2026 a waste slope collapsed and killed seven people, and the site's refuse-derived-fuel plant was handling about 800 tonnes a day against roughly 7,000 arriving. A perfectly instrumented flow is still a flow.
The most convincing entries here are the ones where somebody is paid. Stockholm Exergi has run its heating network as a two-way market since 2014: data centres and supermarkets near the pipes fit their own heat exchangers and sell surplus heat back at temperature-indexed prices the utility republishes daily, settled monthly. More than twenty businesses supply it. The entry's lesson is the transferable part — the pricing and metering layer, not the pipe, is what lets unrelated businesses plug into one system without individually negotiating.
Vancouver takes heat out of raw sewage before it reaches treatment and now covers about 70% of its district's heat demand that way; unusually for this genre, an independent rate review checked that the utility's prices stay within the city's own ceiling over the regional grid, rather than taking the operator's word for it. Dresden's main treatment plant runs on roughly 85% of its own electricity from sludge biogas, rooftop solar and a turbine in its outflow. Karachi's Red Line pairs its bus fleet with a biogas plant fed by cattle waste, and Amsterdam's stadium built a large part of its battery out of used electric-car packs.
The oldest circular system in this atlas is not a machine. After the 2001 crisis Buenos Aires stopped policing its cartoneros and registered them: a compulsory register of waste pickers and cooperatives, credentials, work clothing, and assigned collection zones. Twelve cooperatives now run the sorting centres, and the city publishes every zone and every plant as open geodata with the cooperative that works it named.
It also publishes its own blind spot, which is why the entry is worth reading next to the sensor projects: recovered tonnage appears by plant type, not by cooperative, so nobody outside city hall can say which cooperative recovered what. A formalisation scheme is auditable only to the depth its register is public.
A smaller group tries to move the meter upstream of the bin entirely. Amsterdam logs what a building is made of in a digital material passport, so the fabric can be reused rather than sorted after demolition; eight municipalities in the region followed with passports of their own. It is the most conceptually ambitious idea in this corpus and the least evidenced — no entry here yet documents material actually recovered from a passported building.
Three patterns recur. Hardware layered onto a broken service does not fix it: Rome put sensor-equipped compacting bins onto a chronically troubled collection system, and Beijing's smart-bin layer remains district pilots beside a citywide legal mandate. The bottleneck is usually upstream of the technology: Oslo's optical readers sort correctly every bag that reaches them, and the constraint sits at the kitchen counter. And a good story is not a mechanism: Surabaya's bus line that sold rides for plastic bottles drew worldwide attention and switched to an ordinary cash fare in 2022 — what kept the service running for seven years was the fare and a growing subsidy, not the bottles.
The best figure in this atlas comes from the pilot that preceded Seoul's scheme, not from the scheme itself: a 2012 Korean ministry trial at eight sites measured an average 25% cut in food waste, ranging from 3% to 40% across sites. Seoul now bills food waste per kilogram at RFID bins where residents tap an ID card. Peer-reviewed work on Korea's fee system reports broader recycling effects rather than confirming that specific figure — so the entry states the pilot, with its range, instead of the headline.
Jakarta's Bantargebang weighs every truck in and out on networked bridges, flags vehicles by GPS up to 10 km before the gate, and publishes daily tonnage. It has done so since 2015 — and in March 2026 a waste slope collapsed and killed seven people, while the site's refuse-derived-fuel plant was processing about 800 tonnes a day against the roughly 7,000 the city delivers. Metering the gate is not the same as reducing the load.
Stockholm has run a two-way district-heating market since 2014: data centres, supermarkets and other businesses near the pipes install their own heat exchangers and sell surplus heat back, at temperature-indexed prices the utility updates daily in a supplier portal. More than 20 businesses are enrolled. The lesson recorded in that entry is that the pricing and metering layer, not the pipe, is what turns a one-way network into a market.
Buenos Aires stopped policing its cartoneros after the 2001 crisis and registered them instead: a 2002 law created a compulsory register of waste pickers and cooperatives and brought them into the city's differentiated collection service. Twelve cooperatives now hold assigned zones and run the sorting centres, and the city publishes both as open geodata. Its own limit is published too — tonnage appears by plant type, so nobody outside city hall can say which cooperative recovered what.
Ask where the meter sits, and who receives money because of what it reads. Seoul prices the household, Stockholm pays the supplier, Buenos Aires pays the cooperative, Vancouver sells heat it used to flush away. Where the meter only watches — at a gate, on a truck, above a bin — the record in this atlas shows an accurate picture of a problem that did not get smaller.
The topic guide asks where the meter sits. This asks the question from the kitchen: four cities, four completely different things offered to the person doing the sorting — and one of them is nothing at all.
| Project | Since | Status | Outcome | Evidence | Run by | Cost | What the resident gets |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Weight-Based Food Waste Fee (RFID Smart Bins)Seoul, 🇰🇷 | 2013 | Live | Succeeded | Peer-reviewed | City government | not public | A bill. The resident taps an ID card, the bin weighs the deposit and charges by the kilogram, replacing a flat fee folded into building charges. |
| Suroboyo Bus — Plastic-Bottle Fare TransitSurabaya, 🇮🇩 | 2018 | Live | Scaled back | Media | City government, Utility or public operator | not public | A bus ride — bottles for a two-hour ticket. The entry's own verdict is that the gimmick drew the attention and an ordinary cash fare kept the line running. |
| Buenos Aires's Registered Recuperadores Urbanos & Green CentresBuenos Aires, 🇦🇷 | 2002 | Live | Ongoing | Peer-reviewed | City government, Civil society | not public | A livelihood. After the crisis the city stopped policing its waste pickers and registered them instead, writing them into the collection service. |
| Optical Waste Sorting by Bag Colour (Haraldrud & Klemetsrud)Oslo, 🇳🇴 | 2009 | Live | Ongoing | Official | City government, Private company | not public | Nothing. Bag colour chosen at the kitchen counter is the whole interface, the machine sorts what arrives correctly, and the bottleneck stays upstream. |